Thank God Hillary Clinton won California and New Jersey and did not have to depend on superdelegates. The perception that Clinton somehow cheated her way to the top is inaccurate. She simply worked the existing system to her advantage. If supporters of Bernie Sanders need to blame anybody, they need to blame the Democratic Party that set up the system in the first place.
Superdelegates came into being in the 1980s when the Democratic Party got nervous about a potential populist candidate such as Sanders or even a Democratic version of Donald Trump winning a majority of primaries and caucuses. The superdelegates are designed to prevent someone doing to the Democratic Party what Trump has done to the Republican Party this year – give control to the voters rather than the party leaders.
Prior to the 1980s, both parties generally had the same system in place. Each state would hold a primary or caucus, and in most cases, each candidate would earn a number of delegates to the national convention based on the percent of the votes cast. These delegates had to vote for that candidate. And the candidate who collected the most delegates would win the party’s nomination.
Superdelegates, on the other hand, can vote for whoever they want, although they generally have followed the will of the voters. They are not required to do so, however. They are largely party hacks, current and former elected officials (such as former president Bill Clinton) and party officials.
These delegates are appointed by Democratic Party leadership and are allowed to vote at the convention provided they are physically on the floor at the time of the convention. They are often senators, congressman, part officials, or people connected with some high Democratic official.
They are encouraged to cast their vote for the public’s choice but don’t have to. This may explain why many superdelegates pledged themselves to Clinton prior to any primary.
Not all of the delegates to the convention are superdelegates. The total number of superdelegates is less than in 2008, but they make up 15 percent of the current delegates to the convention nationwide. Savvy Democratic candidates like Clinton will lobby these people to their side. Sanders, of course, had a disadvantage from the start since he ran as an independent for the U.S. Senate and appeared not to be able to network within the Democrat Party as easily as Clinton could.
To win the Democratic nomination, Clinton has to get 50 percent of 4,763 total delegates nationwide – 712 of which are superdelegates. Theoretically, a candidate can win more primaries and caucuses but still lose the nomination if superdelegates bridge the gap.
The insult to Sanders’ voters came on the eve of the New Jersey Democratic Primary when the Associated Press interviewed superdelegates and determined that Clinton had already won the nomination despite no votes being cast yet in New Jersey, California, and a handful of other states.
The fact that Clinton went on to win New Jersey and surprisingly, California, will help dispel the belief that she won by lobbying delegates rather than by the will of the people.
Is Trump another Goldwater?
Except for the most ardent supporters of Sanders, there was little doubt the national race would be between Clinton and Trump in the November showdown for president. Whereas Clinton used the system to her advantage, Trump seems to have dragged the Republican Party kicking and screaming into his camp in what will become a historic election.
If Clinton wins, she will be the first woman president; if Trump wins, the national policies will likely turn sharply more conservative as the GOP gets to fill the currently vacant seat on the U.S. Supreme Court.
For some, the November general election already resembles the 1964 election between Democrat Lyndon Johnson and Republican Barry Goldwater.
Johnson, like Clinton, was a classic party candidate. Goldwater, an ultra conservative, had hijacked the GOP in much the same way Trump has.
Democrats, of course, are hoping to see the same result in 2016 as they saw in 1964 when Johnson trounced Goldwater. To do this, Democrats will have to pull their party together. While Hudson County played a pivotal role in swinging the state to Clinton, pockets of Sanders support were strong in Hoboken and Jersey City, showing that the Hudson County Democratic Organization doesn’t quite have the influence it once did.
This may explain why the HDCO thought to bring in Clinton’s daughter, Chelsea, to North Bergen last week.
Some parts of Hoboken saw a high election turnout as much as three times a normal primary. Hoboken held several rallies for Sanders including one that was called “The Bernie Bus.”
Downtown Jersey City and Jersey City Heights, areas where younger voters and more artistically-minded residents live, were strong areas for Sanders.
While Sanders people tried to make inroads in North Hudson, the strong influence of U.S. Sen. Robert Menendez appears to have kept Democrats there in the Clinton camp. Indeed, Chelsea Clinton’s comments in her North Bergen appearance were translated into Spanish for a largely Latino audience.
In Hudson County, Sanders voters are likely to support Clinton in November.
Voters for Sanders generally fall into two categories: true Democratic believers and those voters who hate Clinton. Most Hudson County Sanders supporters are of the first variety, more left leaning than Clinton, but whose beliefs will keep them from ever supporting Trump. While Sanders supporters elsewhere in the state or the nation may swing into the Trump camp because they dislike Clinton, those in Hudson County will likely help her carry New Jersey in November.
Hudson County Republicans may be hoping to ride Trump’s coattails in November, but most local observers did not see a huge surge in GOP voter turnout in the primary. Republican County Chairman Jose Arango attributed this to the fact that the Trump had already clinched the nomination. But he believes that Republicans can be competitive in the county, and can beat Clinton in the state if Trump listens to the party on issues such as immigration and tones down his rhetoric.
“This isn’t a reality TV show,” Arango said. “Donald is running for president. He has to listen to the party.”
Al Sullivan may be reached at asullivan@hudsonreporter.com.